9:01 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Good evening.
Tonight in Iraq, the Armed Forces of the United States are engaged in a
struggle that will determine the direction of the global war on terror -- and
our safety here at home. The new strategy I outline tonight will change
America's course in Iraq, and help us succeed in the fight against terror.
When
I addressed you just over a year ago, nearly 12 million Iraqis had cast their
ballots for a unified and democratic nation. The elections of 2005 were a
stunning achievement. We thought that these elections would bring the Iraqis
together, and that as we trained Iraqi security forces we could accomplish our
mission with fewer American troops.
But in 2006, the opposite
happened. The violence in Iraq -- particularly in Baghdad -- overwhelmed the
political gains the Iraqis had made. Al Qaeda terrorists and Sunni insurgents
recognized the mortal danger that Iraq's elections posed for their cause, and
they responded with outrageous acts of murder aimed at innocent Iraqis. They
blew up one of the holiest shrines in Shia Islam -- the Golden Mosque of
Samarra -- in a calculated effort to provoke Iraq's Shia population to
retaliate. Their strategy worked. Radical Shia elements, some supported by
Iran, formed death squads. And the result was a vicious cycle of sectarian
violence that continues today.
The situation in Iraq is
unacceptable to the American people -- and it is unacceptable to me. Our troops
in Iraq have fought bravely. They have done everything we have asked them to
do. Where mistakes have been made, the responsibility rests with me.
It is clear that we need to
change our strategy in Iraq. So my national security team, military commanders,
and diplomats conducted a comprehensive review. We consulted members of
Congress from both parties, our allies abroad, and distinguished outside
experts. We benefitted from the thoughtful recommendations of the Iraq Study
Group, a bipartisan panel led by former Secretary of State James Baker and
former Congressman Lee Hamilton. In our discussions, we all agreed that there
is no magic formula for success in Iraq. And one message came through loud and
clear: Failure in Iraq would be a disaster for the United States.
The consequences of failure are
clear: Radical Islamic extremists would grow in strength and gain new recruits.
They would be in a better position to topple moderate governments, create chaos
in the region, and use oil revenues to fund their ambitions. Iran would be
emboldened in its pursuit of nuclear weapons. Our enemies would have a safe
haven from which to plan and launch attacks on the American people. On
September the 11th, 2001, we saw what a refuge for extremists on the other side
of the world could bring to the streets of our own cities. For the safety of
our people, America must succeed in Iraq.
The most urgent priority for
success in Iraq is security, especially in Baghdad. Eighty percent of Iraq's
sectarian violence occurs within 30 miles of the capital. This violence is
splitting Baghdad into sectarian enclaves, and shaking the confidence of all
Iraqis. Only Iraqis can end the sectarian violence and secure their people. And
their government has put forward an aggressive plan to do it.
Our past efforts to secure
Baghdad failed for two principal reasons: There were not enough Iraqi and
American troops to secure neighborhoods that had been cleared of terrorists and
insurgents. And there were too many restrictions on the troops we did have. Our
military commanders reviewed the new Iraqi plan to ensure that it addressed
these mistakes. They report that it does. They also report that this plan can
work.
Now let me explain the main
elements of this effort: The Iraqi government will appoint a military commander
and two deputy commanders for their capital. The Iraqi government will deploy
Iraqi Army and National Police brigades across Baghdad's nine districts. When
these forces are fully deployed, there will be 18 Iraqi Army and National
Police brigades committed to this effort, along with local police. These Iraqi
forces will operate from local police stations -- conducting patrols and
setting up checkpoints, and going door-to-door to gain the trust of Baghdad
residents.
This is a strong commitment. But
for it to succeed, our commanders say the Iraqis will need our help. So America
will change our strategy to help the Iraqis carry out their campaign to put
down sectarian violence and bring security to the people of Baghdad. This will
require increasing American force levels. So I've committed more than 20,000
additional American troops to Iraq. The vast majority of them -- five brigades
-- will be deployed to Baghdad. These trroops will work alongside Iraqi units
and be embedded in their formations. Our troops will have a well-defined
mission: to help Iraqis clear and secure neighborhoods, to help them protect
the local population, and to help ensure that the Iraqi forces left behind are
capable of providing the security that Baghdad needs.
Many listening tonight will ask
why this effort will succeed when previous operations to secure Baghdad did
not. Well, here are the differences: In earlier operations, Iraqi and American
forces cleared many neighborhoods of terrorists and insurgents, but when our
forces moved on to other targets, the killers returned. This time, we'll have
the force levels we need to hold the areas that have been cleared. In earlier
operations, political and sectarian interference prevented Iraqi and American
forces from going into neighborhoods that are home to those fueling the
sectarian violence. This time, Iraqi and American forces will have a green
light to enter those neighborhoods -- and Prime Minister Maliki has pledged
that political or sectarian interference will not be tolerated.
I've made it clear to the Prime
Minister and Iraq's other leaders that America's commitment is not open-ended.
If the Iraqi government does not follow through on its promises, it will lose
the support of the American people -- and it will lose the support of the Iraqi
people. Now is the time to act. The Prime Minister understands this. Here is
what he told his people just last week: "The Baghdad security plan will
not provide a safe haven for any outlaws, regardless of [their] sectarian or
political affiliation."
This new strategy will not yield
an immediate end to suicide bombings, assassinations, or IED attacks. Our
enemies in Iraq will make every effort to ensure that our television screens
are filled with images of death and suffering. Yet over time, we can expect to
see Iraqi troops chasing down murderers, fewer brazen acts of terror, and
growing trust and cooperation from Baghdad's residents. When this happens,
daily life will improve, Iraqis will gain confidence in their leaders, and the
government will have the breathing space it needs to make progress in other
critical areas. Most of Iraq's Sunni and Shia want to live together in peace --
and reducing the violence in Baghdad will help make reconciliation possible.
A successful strategy for Iraq
goes beyond military operations. Ordinary Iraqi citizens must see that military
operations are accompanied by visible improvements in their neighborhoods and
communities. So America will hold the Iraqi government to the benchmarks it has
announced.
To establish its authority, the
Iraqi government plans to take responsibility for security in all of Iraq's
provinces by November. To give every Iraqi citizen a stake in the country's economy,
Iraq will pass legislation to share oil revenues among all Iraqis. To show that
it is committed to delivering a better life, the Iraqi government will spend
$10 billion of its own money on reconstruction and infrastructure projects that
will create new jobs. To empower local leaders, Iraqis plan to hold provincial
elections later this year. And to allow more Iraqis to re-enter their nation's
political life, the government will reform de-Baathification laws, and
establish a fair process for considering amendments to Iraq's constitution.
America will change our approach
to help the Iraqi government as it works to meet these benchmarks. In keeping
with the recommendations of the Iraq Study Group, we will increase the
embedding of American advisers in Iraqi Army units, and partner a coalition
brigade with every Iraqi Army division. We will help the Iraqis build a larger
and better-equipped army, and we will accelerate the training of Iraqi forces,
which remains the essential U.S. security mission in Iraq. We will give our
commanders and civilians greater flexibility to spend funds for economic
assistance. We will double the number of provincial reconstruction teams. These
teams bring together military and civilian experts to help local Iraqi
communities pursue reconciliation, strengthen the moderates, and speed the
transition to Iraqi self-reliance. And Secretary Rice will soon appoint a
reconstruction coordinator in Baghdad to ensure better results for economic
assistance being spent in Iraq.
As we make these changes, we will
continue to pursue al Qaeda and foreign fighters. Al Qaeda is still active in
Iraq. Its home base is Anbar Province. Al Qaeda has helped make Anbar the most
violent area of Iraq outside the capital. A captured al Qaeda document
describes the terrorists' plan to infiltrate and seize control of the province.
This would bring al Qaeda closer to its goals of taking down Iraq's democracy,
building a radical Islamic empire, and launching new attacks on the United
States at home and abroad.
Our military forces in Anbar are
killing and capturing al Qaeda leaders, and they are protecting the local
population. Recently, local tribal leaders have begun to show their willingness
to take on al Qaeda. And as a result, our commanders believe we have an
opportunity to deal a serious blow to the terrorists. So I have given orders to
increase American forces in Anbar Province by 4,000 troops. These troops will
work with Iraqi and tribal forces to keep up the pressure on the terrorists.
America's men and women in uniform took away al Qaeda's safe haven in
Afghanistan -- and we will not allow them to re-establish it in Iraq.
Succeeding in Iraq also requires
defending its territorial integrity and stabilizing the region in the face of
extremist challenges. This begins with addressing Iran and Syria. These two
regimes are allowing terrorists and insurgents to use their territory to move
in and out of Iraq. Iran is providing material support for attacks on American
troops. We will disrupt the attacks on our forces. We'll interrupt the flow of
support from Iran and Syria. And we will seek out and destroy the networks
providing advanced weaponry and training to our enemies in Iraq.
We're also taking other steps to
bolster the security of Iraq and protect American interests in the Middle East.
I recently ordered the deployment of an additional carrier strike group to the
region. We will expand intelligence-sharing and deploy Patriot air defense systems
to reassure our friends and allies. We will work with the governments of Turkey
and Iraq to help them resolve problems along their border. And we will work
with others to prevent Iran from gaining nuclear weapons and dominating the
region.
We will use America's full
diplomatic resources to rally support for Iraq from nations throughout the
Middle East. Countries like Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, and the Gulf States
need to understand that an American defeat in Iraq would create a new sanctuary
for extremists and a strategic threat to their survival. These nations have a
stake in a successful Iraq that is at peace with its neighbors, and they must
step up their support for Iraq's unity government. We endorse the Iraqi
government's call to finalize an International Compact that will bring new
economic assistance in exchange for greater economic reform. And on Friday,
Secretary Rice will leave for the region, to build support for Iraq and
continue the urgent diplomacy required to help bring peace to the Middle East.
The challenge playing out across
the broader Middle East is more than a military conflict. It is the decisive
ideological struggle of our time. On one side are those who believe in freedom
and moderation. On the other side are extremists who kill the innocent, and
have declared their intention to destroy our way of life. In the long run, the
most realistic way to protect the American people is to provide a hopeful
alternative to the hateful ideology of the enemy, by advancing liberty across a
troubled region. It is in the interests of the United States to stand with the
brave men and women who are risking their lives to claim their freedom, and to
help them as they work to raise up just and hopeful societies across the Middle
East.
From Afghanistan to Lebanon to
the Palestinian Territories, millions of ordinary people are sick of the
violence, and want a future of peace and opportunity for their children. And
they are looking at Iraq. They want to know: Will America withdraw and yield
the future of that country to the extremists, or will we stand with the Iraqis
who have made the choice for freedom?
The changes I have outlined
tonight are aimed at ensuring the survival of a young democracy that is
fighting for its life in a part of the world of enormous importance to American
security. Let me be clear: The terrorists and insurgents in Iraq are without
conscience, and they will make the year ahead bloody and violent. Even if our
new strategy works exactly as planned, deadly acts of violence will continue --
and we must expect more Iraqi and American casualties. The question is whether
our new strategy will bring us closer to success. I believe that it will.
Victory will not look like the
ones our fathers and grandfathers achieved. There will be no surrender ceremony
on the deck of a battleship. But victory in Iraq will bring something new in
the Arab world -- a functioning democracy that polices its territory, upholds
the rule of law, respects fundamental human liberties, and answers to its
people. A democratic Iraq will not be perfect. But it will be a country that
fights terrorists instead of harboring them -- and it will help bring a future
of peace and security for our children and our grandchildren.
This new approach comes after
consultations with Congress about the different courses we could take in Iraq.
Many are concerned that the Iraqis are becoming too dependent on the United
States, and therefore, our policy should focus on protecting Iraq's borders and
hunting down al Qaeda. Their solution is to scale back America's efforts in
Baghdad -- or announce the phased withdrawal of our combat forces. We carefully
considered these proposals. And we concluded that to step back now would force
a collapse of the Iraqi government, tear the country apart, and result in mass
killings on an unimaginable scale. Such a scenario would result in our troops
being forced to stay in Iraq even longer, and confront an enemy that is even
more lethal. If we increase our support at this crucial moment, and help the
Iraqis break the current cycle of violence, we can hasten the day our troops
begin coming home.
In the days ahead, my national
security team will fully brief Congress on our new strategy. If members have
improvements that can be made, we will make them. If circumstances change, we
will adjust. Honorable people have different views, and they will voice their
criticisms. It is fair to hold our views up to scrutiny. And all involved have
a responsibility to explain how the path they propose would be more likely to
succeed.
Acting on the good advice of
Senator Joe Lieberman and other key members of Congress, we will form a new,
bipartisan working group that will help us come together across party lines to
win the war on terror. This group will meet regularly with me and my
administration; it will help strengthen our relationship with Congress. We can
begin by working together to increase the size of the active Army and Marine
Corps, so that America has the Armed Forces we need for the 21st century. We
also need to examine ways to mobilize talented American civilians to deploy
overseas, where they can help build democratic institutions in communities and
nations recovering from war and tyranny.
In these dangerous times, the
United States is blessed to have extraordinary and selfless men and women
willing to step forward and defend us. These young Americans understand that
our cause in Iraq is noble and necessary -- and that the advance of freedom is
the calling of our time. They serve far from their families, who make the quiet
sacrifices of lonely holidays and empty chairs at the dinner table. They have
watched their comrades give their lives to ensure our liberty. We mourn the
loss of every fallen American -- and we owe it to them to build a future worthy
of their sacrifice.
Fellow citizens: The year ahead
will demand more patience, sacrifice, and resolve. It can be tempting to think
that America can put aside the burdens of freedom. Yet times of testing reveal
the character of a nation. And throughout our history, Americans have always
defied the pessimists and seen our faith in freedom redeemed. Now America is
engaged in a new struggle that will set the course for a new century. We can,
and we will, prevail.
We go forward with trust that the
Author of Liberty will guide us through these trying hours. Thank you and good
night.
END 9:21 P.M. EST